The pundit Jim Hightower described the Bush administration as “extremism on Viagra.” Maria Shriver, then the first lady of California, titled one of the chapters of her book Ten Things I Wish I’d Known Before I Went Out Into the Real World,
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Its employee handbook advised brand representatives to “redirect humor” when people relied on it to defuse awkwardness; those employees were instead supposed to remind those consumers—those patients—about the medical seriousness of the topic at hand. Pfizer also began a broader project: to, as Loe told NPR, embark on a wide-ranging “rebranding of impotence” itself. “Impotence” suggested, literally, a lack of power, a referendum on a man’s masculinity and humanity; Pfizer, instead, chose to speak of Viagra in terms of “male enhancement.” It adopted the medicalized language of “erectile dysfunction”—a problem easily solved with its convenient medical solution—in an attempt to shed the freight of “impotence.” As part of its marketing of Viagra, the company announced that half of men over 40 are afflicted with “ED.” How can something so common be shameful? Pfizer also focused, in its early marketing, on gendered notions of power and patriotism: sexual function as a metaphor for a kind of masculine dignity. Bob Dole, who had, earlier in 1998, appeared on Larry King Live to discuss his own struggles with erectile dysfunction, was recruited to be a spokesman for the new pill.
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Seated, in an early commercial, on a blue leather chair situated in a corridor of gleaming white—and clad in a blue suit, white shirt, and red tie—the war veteran and elder statesman functioned, essentially, as a paragon of a certain strain of American masculinity. “Courage: something shared by countless Americans,” Dole said in the ad, as piano sex tablet for women music strained in the background. Those who battle seriousness illness.” He went on to talk about his battle with prostate cancer, and about the effect the battle had had on his body even after the battle was won—and to tell viewers about the medical solution he had found for the malady. He did not talk, however, about Viagra itself. “The company is weighing whether to use any ads that directly mention the product,” the Los Angeles Times noted of Pfizer’s initial marketing campaign; for Dole’s spot, it declined to.
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The little blue pill, in all this talk of American heroism, was merely implied. Dole’s ad became instantly iconic; it also became an instant joke. (Dole himself would go on to make fun of it—via an ad that found him strolling on a beach with pounding waves, extolling the virtues of a product that “helps me feel youthful, vigorous, and most importantly, vital again.” That product? Pepsi.) After Dole’s ads aired, however, Pfizer realized that its initial “target generation” had the lowest rates of success with Viagra. The company, as such, shifted its strategy to target a younger demographic and, in the process, shifted its marketing messages once more. “Superwoman Is Dead … and Superman May Be Taking Viagra.” Lynne Luciano, in her book Looking Good: Male Body Image in Modern America, writes of ED as a “circular malady”: “The more it was talked about,” she notes, “the more of it there
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was.” Something similar happened with Viagra: While it arrived on the market at the tail end of the 1900s, it eclipsed both penicillin and the birth-control pill to become the “most talked about drug of the century.” In the current era, as Viagra
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enters its third decade, another symbolic element of the drug—one not emphasized by Pfizer, but one lurking, nonetheless, in every marketing
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And in late-night jokes that delighted in winky double-entendres. Viagra—and, later, drugs with different names but a similar effect—changed the way some Americans have sex. More than that, though, it changed the way many Americans talk about sex. Viagra, the sociologist Meika Loe put it in 2008, “has truly contributed to our intensified sexualized society.” Viagra doesn’t have a history so much as it has, at this point, a mythology: one that starts, as so many myths will, in Sandwich, England. Pfizer, the pharmaceutical company, was testing sildenafil citrate for its potential ability to lower blood pressure.
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Male participants in the study kept noting, in their reports of side effects, that the drug “raised something else,” NPR explained it, NPRily, thus “earning it the nickname ‘the Pfizer Riser.’” (The U.K.’s The Independent noted that “in 1991, something stirred in Swansea—and the earth moved.”) Seven years later, the drug—now brand-named Viagra, the “vi” suggesting vitality and the “agra” suggesting the cultivation of human ingenuity—was released, and, as Abraham Morgentaler puts it in his 2003 book, The Viagra Myth, “The world has not been the same since.” The American media helped to make sure of that: “U.S. Approves Sale of Impotence Pill; Huge Market Seen,” The New York Times reported, noting in its story the Pfizer trial subjects who had asked trial administrators to keep their pills. Time magazine told Americans about “the Viagra craze.” The San Francisco Chronicle informed its readers of “the pill that thrills”: Viagra, an innocent-looking little blue pill, proved that big things do come in small packages, lifting the spirits of millions of men who suffer from impotence. After its approval in March, the drug also raised a host of ethical questions, ranging from HMOs that wondered whether to pay for it to a 70-year-old New York man whose reignited taste for friskiness made him dump his 63-year-old lover, claiming, “It’s time for me to be a stud again.” Viagra benefited, as a business venture, from the fact that, just seven months before the pill was approved, the FDA had eased its restrictions on direct-to-consumer medical advertising; as a result, the drug was among the first pharmaceutical products to be publicly advertised. Pfizer was aware that the public-messaging capability presented both a challenge and an opportunity: Its new product, being what it was, would need to overcome several taboos at once—about sex, certainly, but also about aging and masculinity.
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As Loe notes in her 2004 book, The Rise of Viagra: How the Little Blue Pill Changed Sex in America, Pfizer convened ethics panels to weigh the moral consequences of the pill it was unleashing on the world. It sent a delegation to the Vatican to test how the pill would be received among Catholic leaders. The company, using its findings, focused its marketing efforts initially on selling Viagra as a medical solution to a medical problem. It focused its messaging on men with debilitating medical conditions. It recruited the urologist Irwin Goldstein (nickname: “the Paul Revere of impotence”) to sell Viagra as a medical product. message about it—has been sharpened: The little blue pill is also a little blue metaphor about American culture’s attitude toward sexual pleasure.
- Some blue pills are formulated for extended release.
- They often come with detailed dosing instructions.
- Fake blue pills often lack proper coating or markings.
- It’s critical to distinguish authentic medications from fakes.
- Over-the-counter supplements claiming to mimic blue pills are unregulated.
- Natural alternatives like L-arginine may support erectile health.
- Mental health issues like anxiety can reduce medication effectiveness.
- Awareness campaigns help educate about safe use of blue pills.
It’s the pharmacological distillation of a longstanding, male-centric view—and a heteronormative view—in which sex revolves around the needs and desires of men.
- Some men experience a temporary blue-tinged vision (cyanopsia) due to the drug's effect on retinal PDE6.
- This side effect is generally mild and reversible upon withdrawal of the medication.
- Reports of sudden hearing loss are very rare but have been associated with PDE5 inhibitors.
There have been well-publicized efforts to create a female Viagra; those, however, have largely failed. (“That left pharmaceutical companies asking,” CNN put it, revealingly, in a 2013 mini-documentary about the drug, “‘Why
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are women so hard to please?’”) The aspirations for a female Viagra, however, have been—also revealingly—largely afterthoughts.
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The early 2000s saw the arrival of Viagra ads as they are commonly remembered today: spots that sell the little blue pill as a “romance drug” (tagline: “Let the dance begin”)—and that, indeed, market it as much to women as to men. These ads feature suggestive slow-dancing, oceanside frolicking, heterosexual and attractive and mostly white couples in their 40s, 50s, and 60s embracing and laughing and flirting and, one cha-cha at a time, challenging longstanding tadalista tablets ideas about what it means to age. (Saturday Night Live’s 2000 spoof of Viagra featured not only Christopher Walken, but also a series of over-romanced women reluctantly dancing and flower-arranging and cuddling with their partners—each chiming in with her own sarcastic version of “Thanks, Viagra.”) Pfizer also, in its marketing, attempted to reclaim notions of potency from the ideas of impotence it tried to make antiquated. The company recruited figures from the sports world—the NASCAR driver Mark Martin, the soccer player Pelé, the baseball player Rafael Palmeiro—to star in ads that emphasized men being classically manly: speeding, winning, overcoming. “Love life again,” went one of those taglines.
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“Step up to the plate,” went another. Viagra—like Prozac, the anti-depression medication introduced in 1987—proved to be a “blockbuster drug”: By the end of 1999, the pills had netted Pfizer more than $1 billion. By 2000, nearly 200,000 prescriptions for it were being filled each week; 17 million Americans had used it. In 2002, Pfizer became the fifth most profitable corporation in the United States. “Viagra has been embraced by the well off (4 percent of the total population of Palm Beach County has a prescription), but not only by the well off,” The New York Times reported. And while erectile-dysfunction medication has often been covered by health insurance, birth-control pills—much more medically necessary—remain objects of dispute and vitriol.
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“Not long ago, Wal-Mart and Kmart had a Viagra war that drove the per-pill price down from $10 to $7.80.” (Pfizer sponsored the European leg of Earth, Wind & Fire’s 2001 tour.) Viagra shaped plots on Sex and the City, Mad About You, Ally McBeal, and Law & Order. Eminem’s animated cartoon series, The Slim Shady Show, featured punch bowls overflowing with, yep, Viagra. “Dear Abby” columns—reality and satire tangling together—began featuring complaints from Viagra users’ wives. Pastry chefs began serving up “love desserts,” one of them made with passion fruit and Viagra’s active ingredient. Viagra began to serve not just as a medicine, but also as a metaphor: for hypersexualization, for voracity, for excess.
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